Volume I

Introductory Chapter… ………………………………………………………………………… 2

Chapter I: Exterior Form Of North America…………………………………………………… 16

Chapter II: Origin Of The Anglo-Americans… ……………………………………………… 24

Chapter III: Social Conditions Of The Anglo-Americans……………………………………… 41

Chapter IV: The Principle Of The Sovereignty Of The People In America… ………………… 50

Chapter V: Necessity Of Examining The Condition Of The States… ………………………… 54

Chapter VI: Judicial Power In The United States……………………………………………… 88

上 卷

前言………………………………………………………………………………………… 2

章北美的外貌……………………………………………………………………… 16

第二章英裔美國人的起源……………………………………………………………… 24

第三章英裔美國人的社會情況………………………………………………………… 41

第四章美國人民主權的原則…………………………………………………………… 50

第五章研究各州過去的必要性………………………………………………………… 54

第六章美國的司法權…………………………………………………………………… 88

Volume I

Introductory Chapter… ………………………………………………………………………… 2

Chapter I: Exterior Form Of North America…………………………………………………… 16

Chapter II: Origin Of The Anglo-Americans… ……………………………………………… 24

Chapter III: Social Conditions Of The Anglo-Americans……………………………………… 41

Chapter IV: The Principle Of The Sovereignty Of The People In America… ………………… 50

Chapter V: Necessity Of Examining The Condition Of The States… ………………………… 54

Chapter VI: Judicial Power In The United States……………………………………………… 88

第七章美國的政治審判………………………………………………………………… 96

第八章聯邦憲法………………………………………………………………………… 102

第九章為什麼嚴格地說美國是由人民進行統治的…………………………………… 160

第十章美國的政黨……………………………………………………………………… 162

第十一章美國的出版自由……………………………………………………………… 170

第十二章美國的政治社團……………………………………………………………… 180

第十三章美國的民主政府……………………………………………………………… 189

第十四章民主制帶給美國社會的好處………………………………………………… 226

第十五章多數的無限力量及其後果…………………………………………………… 244

第十六章美國如何削弱多數的暴政…………………………………………………… 261

第十七章民主共和制度得以維持的主要原因………………………………………… 277

第十八章美國境內三個種族的未來…………………………………………………… 320

結論………………………………………………………………………………………… 408

Chapter VII: Political Jurisdiction In The United States… …………………………………… 96

Chapter VIII: The Federal Constitution… …………………………………………………… 102

Chapter IX: Why The People May Strictly Be Said To Govern In The United States… ……… 160

Chapter X: Parties In The United States… …………………………………………………… 162

Chapter XI: Liberty Of The Press In The United States… …………………………………… 170

Chapter XII: Political Associations In The United States……………………………………… 180

Chapter XIII: Government Of The Democracy In America—Part I… ………………………… 189

Chapter XIV: Advantages American Society Derive From Democracy………………………… 226

Chapter XV: Unlimited Power Of Majority, And Its Consequences… ………………………… 244

Chapter XVI: Causes Mitigating Tyranny In The United States… …………………………… 261

Chapter XVII: Principal Causes Maintaining The Democratic Republic… …………………… 277

Chapter XVIII: Future Condition Of Three Races In The United States… …………………… 320

Conclusion… ………………………………………………………………………………… 408

下 卷

前言……………………………………………………………………………………… 416

篇民主對美國觀念進步的影響…………………………………………………… 419

第二篇民主對美國人情感的影響……………………………………………………… 499

第三篇民主對所謂民情的影響………………………………………………………… 556

第四篇民主觀念對政治社會的影響…………………………………………………… 665

附錄………………………………………………………………………………………… 706

Volume 2

De Tocqueville's Preface To The Second Part… ……………………………………………… 416

Section I: Influence of Democracy on the Action of Intellect in The United States.… ………… 419

Section 2: Influence of Democracy on the Feelings of Americans……………………………… 499

Book Three: Influence Of Democracy On Manners, Properly So Called… …………………… 556

Book Four: Influence Of Democratic Opinions On Political Society…………………………… 665

APPENDIX…………………………………………………………………………………… 706

前言

    在美國逗留的這段時間，有很多新鮮事物都引起了我的注意，其中打動我的莫過於人與人的平等。我輕輕松松就發現這一基本事實對整個社會進程產生的重大影響：它為公眾輿論指出特定的方向，為法律定下特定的方針，向執政當局傳授新的箴言，讓被統治者養成特定的習慣。

    不久我便意識到，這一事實影響的遠遠不止這個國家的政治特征和法律，它對於政府的權威一點也不亞於對公民社會的權威；它制造輿論，激發情感，倡議日常生活行為規範，並修正非它所產生的一切。對美國社會的研究越是深入，我就越意識到平等是根本大事，似乎所有的一切都源於此，而且往往是我所有觀察終歸結的中心點。

    接著，當我把思緒轉向我們半球的時候，覺得我們這裡的某些情形和新世界呈現在我眼前的景像類似。我注意到在我們這裡平等盡管沒有達到美國那種的程度，不過正日益朝著這個方向前進；而且在美國社會處於支配地位的民主，似乎在歐洲正在迅速崛起掌權。

    從那時起，我便萌發了撰寫讀者面前這本書的念頭。

    顯而易見，對所有人都一樣，一場偉大的民主革命正在我們中間進行，但是人們對它的看法卻各異。對有些人來說，它似乎新奇而偶然，而且想要加以遏制；而對另外一些人來說，它似乎根本不可抗拒，因為它是有史以來一致、古老也持久的趨勢。讓我們重新追憶一下七百年前法國的情形。那時，法國被一小撮家族瓜分，他們擁有土地、統治居民，統治權世代相傳；武力是人對付人的手段；地產是權力的來源。可是，不久教士的政治權力開始崛起，並不斷壯大。教士階層對所有的人都敞開大門：窮人和富人，屬民和領主；通過教會平等開始向政府滲透；原先終身受奴役的農奴搖身一變成為神父，加入到貴族的行列，而且時不時地還會凌駕於國王之上。 

    隨著社會逐漸變得穩定開化，人們之間的關繫變得越來越復雜多樣。因此，人們開始覺得需要民法，於是法律人士走出陰森的法庭，離開布滿灰塵的辦公室，出現在君主的宮廷，與穿貂皮披盔甲的封建貴族肩並肩。當國王因為野心勃勃而瀕臨破產，貴族因為私人戰爭而傾家蕩產的時候，下層階級靠著商業積累起財富。金錢對國家事務的影響力開始顯現出來。商業成為通向權力大門的一條新路。金融家成為一股政治勢力，既受到人們的奉迎，卻又被鄙視。漸漸地隨著知識的普及，人們對文學藝術的興趣漸濃，人纔有了成功的機會，科學成為為政的手段，智慧成為一種社會力量，文人開始參與國家政事。隨著通往權力大門的新路不斷出現，與生俱來的特權的價值降低了。11世紀貴族頭銜是無價之寶，到13世紀用錢就可以買到，貴族頭銜的出售始於1270年，結果平等也由貴族親自帶進政府。

    在這七百年裡，為了對抗國王的權威，削弱對手的權力，貴族將一部分特定的權利賦予人民。而更常見的情形是，為了達到抑制貴族的目的，國王允許下層階級享有一定的權力。在法國，國王一直都是積極、徹底的平等主義者。當他們力量強大、野心勃勃的時候，不費吹灰之力便可以讓平民與貴族平起平坐；而當他們平庸無能的時候，竟允許平民凌駕於自己之上。有些國王憑借他們的纔能幫助了民主，而另一些國王則因為他們的昏庸而成就了民主。路易十一和路易十四讓王位之下的全體臣民保持平等，而路易十五則將自己連同王室一同埋葬在灰燼之中。

Introductory Chapter

     Amongst the novel objects that attracted my attention during my stay in the United States,nothing struck me more forcibly than the general equality of conditions. I readily discovered theprodigious influence which this primary fact exercises on the whole course of society, by giving a certain direction to public opinion, and a certain tenor to the laws; by imparting new maxims to the governing powers, and peculiar habits to the governed. I speedily perceived that the influence of this fact extends far beyond the political character and the laws of the country, and that it has no less empire over civil society than over the Government; it creates opinions, engenders sentiments,suggests the ordinary practices of life, and modifies whatever it does not produce. The more I advanced in the study of American society, the more I perceived that the equality of conditions is the fundamental fact from which all others seem to be derived, and the central point at which all my observations constantly terminated.

     I then turned my thoughts to our own hemisphere, where I imagined that I discerned something analogous to the spectacle which the New World presented to me. I observed that the equality of conditions is daily progressing towards those extreme limits which it seems to have reached in the

United States, and that the democracy which governs the American communities appears to be rapidly rising into power in Europe. I hence conceived the idea of the book which is now before the reader.

    It is evident to all alike that a great democratic revolution is going on amongst us; but there are two opinions as to its nature and consequences. To some it appears to be a novel accident, whichas such may still be checked; to others it seems irresistible, because it is the most uniform, the most ancient, and the most permanent tendency which is to be found in history. Let us recollect the situation of France seven hundred years ago, when the territory was divided amongst a small number of families, who were the owners of the soil and the rulers of the inhabitants; the right of governing

descended with the family inheritance from generation to generation; force was the only means by which man could act on man, and landed property was the sole source of power. Soon, however, the political power of the clergy was founded, and began to exert itself: the clergy opened its ranks toall classes, to the poor and the rich, the villein and the lord; equality penetrated into the Government through the Church, and the being who as a serf must have vegetated in perpetual bondage took his place as a priest in the midst of nobles, and not infrequently above the heads of kings.

 The different relations of men became more complicated and more numerous as society gradually became more stable and more civilized. Thence the want of civil laws was felt; and the order of legal functionaries soon rose from the obscurity of the tribunals and their dusty chambers, to appear at

the court of the monarch, by the side of the feudal barons in their ermine and their mail. Whilst the kings were ruining themselves by their great enterprises, and the nobles exhausting their resources by private wars, the lower orders were enriching themselves by commerce. The influence of money

began to be perceptible in State affairs. The transactions of business opened a new road to power, and the financier rose to a station of political influence in which he was at once flattered and despised. Gradually the spread of mental acquirements, and the increasing taste for literature and art, opened chances of success to talent; science became a means of government, intelligence led to social power, and the man of letters took a part in the affairs of the State. The value attached to the privileges of birth decreased in the exact proportion in which new paths were struck out to advancement. In the eleventh century nobility was beyond all price; in the thirteenth it might be purchased; it was conferred for the first time in 1270; and equality was thus introduced into the Government by thearistocracy itself.

      In the course of these seven hundred years it sometimes happened that in order to resist theauthority of the Crown, or to diminish the power of their rivals, the nobles granted a certain share of political rights to the people. Or, more frequently, the king permitted the lower orders to enjoy a

degree of power, with the intention of repressing the aristocracy. In France the kings have always been the most active and the most constant of levellers. When they were strong and ambitious they spared no pains to raise the people to the level of the nobles; when they were temperate or weak they allowed the people to rise above themselves. Some assisted the democracy by their talents, others by their vices. Louis XI and Louis XIV reduced every rank beneath the throne to the same subjection; Louis XV descended, himself and all his Court, into the dust.

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