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  • 歷史不容忘記:紀念世界反法西斯戰爭勝利70周年-靖國神社中的甲
    該商品所屬分類:歷史 -> 世界史
    【市場價】
    651-944
    【優惠價】
    407-590
    【作者】 中國社會科學院近代史研究所 
    【所屬類別】 圖書  歷史  世界史  世界通史 
    【出版社】五洲傳播出版社 
    【ISBN】9787508529424
    【折扣說明】一次購物滿999元台幣免運費+贈品
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    內容介紹



    開本:16開
    包裝:平裝
    是否套裝:否

    國際標準書號ISBN:9787508529424
    叢書名:紀念世界反法西斯戰爭勝利70周年
    作者:中國社會科學院近代史研究所

    出版社:五洲傳播出版社
    出版時間:2015年06月 

        
        
    "

    編輯推薦
    “以史為鋻,面向未來”。隻有明白史實,纔能正確認識歷史問題。正確認識二戰,必須認識日本軍國主義發動戰爭給包括中國人民在內的亞洲各國人民帶來的災禍和苦難。

    本書以史學術研究成果為基礎,分別對靖國神社中供奉的14名甲級戰犯對中國人民和亞洲許多國家人民犯下的罪行,進行了歷史再現,揭露日本侵華戰爭的歷史真相。

    可以說,這些甲級戰犯雙手沾滿了中國人民和亞洲許多國家人民的鮮血, 是日本發動侵略兇和主謀。這些戰犯在第二次世界大戰中犯下滔天戰爭罪行,就是日本軍國主義反人類、反和平罪行的縮影,將其繫統展示出來,對於人們全面回顧二戰歷史, 具有積極意義。 
    內容簡介
    近年來,影響中日關繫健康發展的一個重要原因,便是日本

    領導人屢屢參拜靖國神社,並不時為其參拜行為進行辯解,竟稱

    “別國不應干涉追悼陣亡者”,“搞不懂不能參拜的原因”。

    我們認為,要求正確認識歷史問題並非“糾纏歷史”,隻有

    正確認識歷史問題,纔能發展中日關繫、維護亞太地區乃至世界

    的和平與發展。

    我們編輯本書,介紹靖國神社中供奉的14 名甲級戰犯對中

    國人民和亞洲許多國家人民犯下的罪行,以使世人明了中國為什

    麼反對日本領導人參拜靖國神社。
    作者簡介
    中國社會科學院近代史研究所,是*專業中國近代歷史研究機構。近代史研究所結合國家﹑社會和學科發展的需要確定研究課題,同時鼓勵學者根據個人專長選題進行研究。大型研究項目采取分工合作的集體寫書方式。重點研究項目有﹕中國近代史﹑*史﹑中國國民黨史﹑帝國主義侵華史﹑日本侵華史﹑十九世紀香港史﹑沙俄侵華史﹑中蘇國家關繫史﹑1937~1949年的中美關繫﹑中國近代史學理論的發展﹑中國通史等﹐主持編纂的大型資料書有《太平天國資料續編》﹑《中法戰爭資料續編》﹑《北洋軍閥統治時期資料叢刊》等。
    目錄
    Contents
    A Fanatic Militarist
    Hideki Tojo
    Spy Leaderr
    Kenji Doihara
    Prime Culprit in Nanking Massacre
    Iwane Matsui
    Order-giver of Pearl Harbor Raid
    Osami Nagano
    Short-lived Wartime Prime Minister
    Kiichiro Hiranuma
    Participating in the Aggression War from Beginning to End
    Yoshijiro Um ezu
    Promoter of Fascist Alliance of Germany, Italy and JapanContents

    A Fanatic Militarist

    Hideki Tojo

    Spy Leaderr

    Kenji Doihara

    Prime Culprit in Nanking Massacre

    Iwane Matsui

    Order-giver of Pearl Harbor Raid

    Osami Nagano

    Short-lived Wartime Prime Minister

    Kiichiro Hiranuma

    Participating in the Aggression War from Beginning to End

    Yoshijiro Um ezu

    Promoter of Fascist Alliance of Germany, Italy and Japan

    Toshio Sh iratori

    Chief Plotter of September 18 Incident

    Seishiro It agaki

    Conspirator to Start the Pacific War

    Heitaro Kimura

    Advocator for Aggressive and Expansionist Policy

    Akira Muto

    Only Civil Official Being Hanged

    Koki Hirota

    Engaging in War Diplomacy

    Sh igenori Togo

    The Diplomat Pushing Japan to War

    Yosuke Matsuoka

    Wartime Prime Minister Following Hideki Tojo

    Kuniaki Koiso
    前言
    Foreword
    In recent years, Japanese leaders repeatedly paid homage to the Yasukuni Shrine, arguing that they couldn’t see any reason why they cannot visit the shrine, and other countries should not meddle in Japan’s mourning for the war dead. In fact, shrine visits have adversely affected the healthy growth of Sino-Japanese relations. It’s well known that in the Shinto shrine are enshrined 14 Class A war criminals who had committed towering war crimes during World War II. With their hands stained with the blood of the people from China and many other Asian countries, they were prime culprits for and chief plotters of Japan’s aggression wars. Japanese leaders’ visits to the shrine are a fundamental question of right and wrong that has a direct bearing on how the country looks upon its aggressive past.Foreword

    In recent years, Japanese leaders repeatedly paid homage to the Yasukuni Shrine, arguing that they couldn’t see any reason why they cannot visit the shrine, and other countries should not meddle in Japan’s mourning for the war dead. In fact, shrine visits have adversely affected the healthy growth of Sino-Japanese relations. It’s well known that in the Shinto shrine are enshrined 14 Class A war criminals who had committed towering war crimes during World War II. With their hands stained with the blood of the people from China and many other Asian countries, they were prime culprits for and chief plotters of Japan’s aggression wars. Japanese leaders’ visits to the shrine are a fundamental question of right and wrong that has a direct bearing on how the country looks upon its aggressive past.

    In our view, adopting a correct attitude toward history is the only way to develop Sino-Japanese ties, and maintain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region and the world at large. Past experiences since the two countries normalized their diplomatic ties over 40 years ago demonstrate that, a correct understanding of history led to healthy development of bilateral relations; otherwise difficulties and setbacks would stand in the way.

    Taking history as a mirror, looking to the future, and maintaining and developing a stable Sino-Japanese relationship—it’s conducive to the common interests of the two peoples.

    The purpose of compiling this book is to let know the war crimes committed by the 14 Class A war criminals enshrined in the Yasukuni Shrine, and the reason why China firmly opposes the shrine visits.

    — Ed.
    在線試讀


    General Iwane Matsui was the arch-criminal for the infamous Rape of Nanking that occurred during a six-week period following Japanese capture of that city at the year-end of 1937.
    An ‘expert’ on China
    Matsui was born in a samurai’s family in Nagoya on July 27, 1878. He graduated from the ninth class of the Imperial Japanese Army Academy in 1898. His classmates included Sadao Araki, Jinzaburo Masaki, Shigeru Honjo, and Nobuyuki Abe, all having played an important role in Japan’s aggression and expansion in the future. Matsui then entered the Army War College. He fought in the Russo- Japanese War of 1904-1905 and was wounded in a battle. After the war, he resumed his studies at the Army War College, and, after graduation in 1906, was commissioned senior captain. In the following years, he acted as military attaché to Guangdong and Shanghai successively, and became commanding officer of the 39th Regiment in 1919. He served as an intelligence staff officer in 1921 at the Vladivostok Expeditionary Force. In 1922 he was transferred to be head of the Harbin Special Services Agency in Manchuria, and was promoted to major general the next year. He then became commanding officer of the 35th Infantry Brigade in 1924, and was transferred in 1925 to be chief of intelligence of the Army General Staff Office. In 1927 he was promoted to lieutenant general, and was appointed in 1928 as commander of the 11th Division. From December 1931 to August 1932 he was the Japanese plenipotentiary to the Geneva Disarmament Conference. In March 1933 Matsui was appointed a member of the Supreme War Council; in August he acted as commander-in-chief of the Taiwan Army of Japan; in October he was promoted to senior general. However in 1935 he retired from active military service.


    ////







    Prime Culprit in Nanking Massacre


    Iwane Matsui

    General Iwane Matsui was the arch-criminal for the infamous Rape of Nanking that occurred during a six-week period following Japanese capture of that city at the year-end of 1937.

    An ‘expert’ on China

    Matsui was born in a samurai’s family in Nagoya on July 27, 1878. He graduated from the ninth class of the Imperial Japanese Army Academy in 1898. His classmates included Sadao Araki, Jinzaburo Masaki, Shigeru Honjo, and Nobuyuki Abe, all having played an important role in Japan’s aggression and expansion in the future. Matsui then entered the Army War College. He fought in the Russo- Japanese War of 1904-1905 and was wounded in a battle. After the war, he resumed his studies at the Army War College, and, after graduation in 1906, was commissioned senior captain. In the following years, he acted as military attaché to Guangdong and Shanghai successively, and became commanding officer of the 39th Regiment in 1919. He served as an intelligence staff officer in 1921 at the Vladivostok Expeditionary Force. In 1922 he was transferred to be head of the Harbin Special Services Agency in Manchuria, and was promoted to major general the next year. He then became commanding officer of the 35th Infantry Brigade in 1924, and was transferred in 1925 to be chief of intelligence of the Army General Staff Office. In 1927 he was promoted to lieutenant general, and was appointed in 1928 as commander of the 11th Division. From December 1931 to August 1932 he was the Japanese plenipotentiary to the Geneva Disarmament Conference. In March 1933 Matsui was appointed a member of the Supreme War Council; in August he acted as commander-in-chief of the Taiwan Army of Japan; in October he was promoted to senior general. However in 1935 he retired from active military service.

    Staying in China for 13 years altogether, Matsui had become a typical “sinologue.” Serving in the Japanese army, he had supported, and actively participated in plotting the acts of aggression against China. In the summer of 1927 Prime Minister Giichi Tanaka convened a “Far East Conference.” Matsui as chief of intelligence of the Army General Staff Office made a report at the meeting on China’s political situation. When acting as commander-in-chief of the Taiwan Army of Japan, he formed a “Greater Asia Association” in 1933, whipping up opinion for a war of aggression.

    Taking command of battles in Shanghai, Nanking

    In the year of 1936 Matsui traveled to the southern provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi, meeting with local KMT leaders including Hu Hanmin (1879-1936), Chen Jitang (1890-1954), Li Zongren (1891- 1969) and Bai Chongxi (1893-1966). He went about selling his theory of “Greater Asia.” Coming back to Nanking, he even tried to persuade Chiang Kai-shek into recognizing Manchukuo, but was flatly refused. After leaving China in a huff, Matsui became even more eager to conquer this country. He had said on various occasions that it was necessary to teach the Nanking government a good lesson by using force.

    Just two days after the start of the August 13 Incident of 1937, Matsui was recalled by the army to serve as commander of the Japanese Shanghai Expeditionary Force (SEF). Before leaving Tokyo, he declared that the Chinese capital of Nanking was his final target. The campaign in Shanghai, also known as the Battle of Songhu,(1) lasted nearly three months. Over 1 million troops from both sides were thrown into the battle. At Matsui’s request, Japan repeatedly dispatched reinforcements to Shanghai. Altogether the Army General Staff employed 14 and a half divisions of about 280,000 soldiers, more than 30 warships, 400 fighter planes and 300 armored vehicles for the campaign. On November 7 Matsui was concurrently appointed as commander-in-chief of the newly formed Central China Area Army (CCAA) that had the SEF and the 10th Army under its command. The Japanese forces finally captured the city on November 12, while suffering casualties of over 40,000 men.

    After winning the Battle of Songhu, without the approval by the General Headquarters, Matsui immediately ordered his troops to advance toward Nanking from different directions. On November 22 he formally reported to the Army General Staff Office, claiming that Nanking must be occupied, and with available forces the goal could be attained within two months at the latest. On December 1 the Army General Staff cabled the CCAA to make an attack on the capital city. The same day Japanese troops seized the fortress of Jiangyin. On December 5 they pushed forward to Nanking’s outside defense line. Two days later they launched an all-out offensive, broke through the defense line and moved forward to the city’s vicinity. On December 10 Matsui sent planes to airdrop his ultimatum to the besieged city; at the same time the 10th Army’s 18th Division captured Wuhu, cutting off the defenders’ retreat. On December 12, the Gate of China (south gate) was shelled with heavy artillery by the well-equipped Sixth Division (also of the 10th Army). Massive blasts made several breaches in the city wall, through which Japanese troops came swarming. The capital finally fell the next day. On December 17, led by Matsui, the CCAA made a triumphal entry into the city.

    Prime culprit for Nanking Massacre

    On December 7 Matsui ordered that even if the Chinese defenders gave up resistance, Japanese troops should conduct mopping-up operations after entering the city. He did not say a single word about the POW issue. After the fall of Nanking, on December 15 he once again ordered the Japanese army to mop up the remnants of the enemy in the city. With his connivance and tacit consent, almost all divisions of the CCAA at that time adopted the policy of killing all POWs, hence committing a most atrocious massacre in this ancient capital of a thousand-year long history.

    In a short period of six weeks, the conquerors wantonly burned killed and looted, stopping at no evil. Over 300,000 people, mostly civilians and POWs, were brutally slaughtered with various methods such as shooting, bayoneting, burying alive and drowning. And more than 20,000 women were raped. About one-third of the city was completely destroyed, causing innumerable losses in property. As the commanding officer, from the start Matsui had not taken any measures to prevent his troops from committing the barbarous and inhuman atrocities. Of course he had inescapable responsibility for the tragedy of the Nanking Massacre.

    The outrages of the Japanese army shocked the international community. Under the pressure of world opinion, on March 5, 1938 the Japanese government recalled Matsui and some 80 of his subordinates. He took up the post of cabinet councilor in July 1938 and resigned two years later. On April 4, 1942 he was decorated with the first-class Golden Kite Medal “for the meritorious war services during the China Incident.”

    After the war, Matsui was arrested by the SCAP authorities on September 19, 1945 and charged with war crimes, specifically in connection with the Nanking Massacre. During the following IMTFE trial, although admitting his troops behaved wrongly in Nanking, Matsui quibbled that he was ill at that time, so was not able to stop the outrages. The Tribunal refuted his explanation with ironclad proofs, and ruled that: “His illness was not sufficient to prevent his conducting the military operations of his command nor to prevent his visiting the city for days while these atrocities were occurring. He was in command of the army responsible for these happenings. He knew of them. He had the power, as he had the duty, to control his troops and to protect the unfortunate citizens of Nanking. He must be held criminally responsible for his failure to discharge this duty.”

    The Tribunal convicted him of count 55, namely, “deliberately and recklessly disregarded their legal duty to take adequate steps to secure the observance and prevent breaches thereof (of the Laws and Customs of War as contained in and proved by the Geneva Conventions), and thereby violated the laws of war.” On November 12, 1948 Matsui was sentenced to death by hanging. He was hanged at Sugamo Prison on December 23.


     
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